By Ibrahim BUNU
ibrahimbunu2520@gmail.com
Why “I Have No Regrets” Should Concern the Nigerian State — and Why Christians Must Stop Playing Permanent Defence
INTRODUCTION: THE PROBLEM IS BIGGER THAN JINGIR
There is a moment in every serious controversy when the argument moves beyond the original statement.
That moment has arrived in the controversy surrounding Sheikh Muhammad Sani Yahaya Jingir.
The reported remarks were controversial.
The reaction was predictable.
Christian leaders responded.
Muslim leaders responded.
Political actors entered the conversation.
Social media exploded.
The Muslim-Muslim ticket debate resurfaced.
Old wounds reopened.
And Nigerians began arguing once again about who is a majority, who is a minority, who controls the North, who controls the South, who has more voters and which religion has greater political power.
But there is a deeper question that deserves much more attention:
Why are Christians continually responding to political provocation instead of developing the institutional, intellectual and political capacity to shape the conversation before the provocation happens?
That is the real issue.
Because if Christians spend every election cycle waiting for the next inflammatory statement, reacting to it, defending themselves against it and demanding government intervention, they have already surrendered the initiative.
The political game has been defined by someone else.
The battlefield has been selected by someone else.
The language has been chosen by someone else.
And Christians are left responding.
That must change.
But there is an important distinction.
The answer is not for Christians to become better provocateurs.
It is not to develop an anti-Muslim political machine.
It is not to answer religious exclusion with Christian exclusion.
It is not to turn churches into political parties.
It is not to replace one form of identity politics with another.
The answer is to build something much more powerful:
A disciplined Christian civic and political strategy built around constitutional citizenship, competence, evidence, organisation, coalition-building, voter education and institutional power.
That is how the game changes.
1. “I HAVE NO REGRETS” IS A POLITICAL SIGNAL — BUT IT SHOULD NOT DICTATE CHRISTIAN STRATEGY
If the reported statement that Jingir has “no regrets” over his remarks is accurate, Christians should take note.
But they should not panic.
A provocative statement can generate enormous attention.
And attention is political currency.
The danger is that Christians become the distribution network for the very message they find offensive.
One person speaks.
Ten people condemn him.
One hundred people repost the video.
Churches discuss it.
Radio programmes discuss it.
Television stations discuss it.
WhatsApp groups circulate it.
Social-media influencers react.
And suddenly millions of Nigerians who might never have encountered the original statement have now heard it.
The provocateur wins the first round.
The Christian response should therefore begin with a simple question:
Does our reaction reduce the influence of the message—or increase it?
That question should become part of Christian political strategy.
1. CHRISTIANS MUST STOP CONFUSING OUTRAGE WITH POWER
This is perhaps the hardest lesson.
Being angry is not power.
Being offended is not power.
Issuing statements is not power.
Holding press conferences is not power.
Trending hashtags are not power.
Power is the ability to shape outcomes.
Power means:
* having voters;
* having credible candidates;
* having lawyers;
* having researchers;
* having policy experts;
* having media professionals;
* having negotiators;
* having political organisers;
* having election observers;
* having polling-unit structures;
* having economic influence;
* having relationships across communities;
* having representation inside political parties;
* having people capable of influencing legislation;
* and having the discipline to use these resources strategically.
That is the transition Christians need:
from outrage to organisation.
1. THE FIRST STRATEGIC SHIFT: STOP PLAYING THE VICTIM
There is a difference between acknowledging genuine discrimination and constructing a permanent political identity around victimhood.
Christians should never deny legitimate grievances.
Where discrimination occurs, document it.
Where violence occurs, investigate it.
Where citizens are excluded because of religion, challenge it.
Where laws are applied selectively, litigate.
Where inflammatory speech crosses legal boundaries, demand lawful investigation.
The Nigerian Constitution protects freedom of religion and expression, while Section 42 expressly prohibits discrimination on grounds including religion and political opinion. (PLACNG)
But constitutional protection should become a platform for citizenship, not a permanent psychological posture of helplessness.
The message should not always be:
“They are attacking us.”
It should increasingly become:
“We know our rights, we know the law, we know the facts, we are organised and we know how to defend the constitutional order.”
That is a very different posture.
1. SECOND SHIFT: BUILD A CHRISTIAN CIVIC INTELLIGENCE SYSTEM
This is where Christians have enormous room for improvement.
There should be a permanent, professional research structure—not created only when controversy erupts.
Call it whatever you like:
Christian Civic Research Network.
National Faith and Public Policy Observatory.
Christian Civic Intelligence Centre.
The name is secondary.
The function is what matters.
It should monitor:
* legislation;
* constitutional amendments;
* electoral laws;
* appointments;
* public budgets;
* security policies;
* religious-freedom issues;
* court decisions;
* demographic claims;
* political speeches;
* hate speech;
* election data;
* government performance;
* and emerging political alliances.
Every major claim should be fact-checked.
Every demographic assertion should be tested.
Every election statistic should be sourced.
Every inflammatory statement should be preserved in its original context.
Every legal complaint should be documented.
This would fundamentally change the quality of the debate.
Instead of:
“Someone said Christians are being marginalised!”
The response becomes:
“Here are the facts. Here is the law. Here is the evidence. Here is the responsible institution. Here is what should happen next.”
That is power.
1. THIRD SHIFT: STOP ALLOWING RELIGIOUS DEMOGRAPHY TO BECOME POLITICAL WEAPONRY
This is one of the most important intellectual battles.
Christians should stop getting dragged into endless arguments about:
“Who is the majority?”
The answer is simple:
Nigeria has no official current religious census that can credibly establish a precise Muslim-Christian population ratio.
Therefore, political actors should be extremely careful about converting electoral outcomes into religious statistics.
An election is not a census.
A vote for a candidate does not reveal with certainty why an individual voted for that candidate.
People vote according to combinations of:
* religion;
* ethnicity;
* geography;
* party;
* ideology;
* personality;
* economic interest;
* security;
* family;
* community;
* incumbency;
* local political structures;
* and strategic calculation.
INEC’s official results are organised around candidates, parties and electoral constituencies—not voters’ religion. (INEC Nigeria)
Therefore, when someone says:
“Candidate X received 10 million northern votes, therefore 10 million Muslims support him,”
the correct response is:
“Show us the data.”
Do not argue emotionally.
Demand evidence.
1. FOURTH SHIFT: CHRISTIANS MUST MASTER THE NORTH
This is essential.
One of the greatest strategic weaknesses in Christian political discourse is the tendency to treat “the North” as one political organism.
It is not.
There is no single northern voter.
There are:
* Hausa voters;
* Fulani voters;
* Kanuri voters;
* Tiv voters;
* Berom voters;
* Gbagyi voters;
* Jukun voters;
* Bajju voters;
* Kagoro voters;
* Gure
* Goemai voters;
* Afizere voters;
* and countless other communities.
There are Muslims.
There are Christians.
There are people of traditional faiths.
There are secular voters.
There are urban voters.
There are rural voters.
There are young voters.
There are elderly voters.
There are women.
There are business communities.
There are farmers.
There are civil servants.
There are traditional institutions.
There are religious networks.
There are party networks.
These identities overlap.
Therefore, Christian political strategy must stop talking about “the North” as though it were a single voting bloc.
The North must be understood constituency by constituency.
1. CHRISTIANS NEED A NORTHERN POLITICAL INTELLIGENCE PROJECT
This should become a serious long-term project.
Not an anti-Muslim project.
A political understanding project.
Christians should know:
* which northern communities vote for which parties;
* why they vote that way;
* what their economic concerns are;
* what their security concerns are;
* what their development priorities are;
* which political networks influence them;
* which candidates they trust;
* and where genuine cross-religious alliances already exist.
The objective should be to replace stereotypes with intelligence.
You cannot build a winning political strategy against a region you do not understand.
1. FIFTH SHIFT: STOP WAITING FOR CLERICS TO DEFINE POLITICS
This applies to both sides.
A religious leader may influence voters.
But he does not own them.
A pastor does not own Christian voters.
A Sheikh does not own Muslim voters.
A traditional ruler does not own his subjects politically.
A political party does not own citizens.
The Nigerian Constitution recognises freedom of thought, conscience and religion and the right to manifest and propagate religious belief. (PLACNG)
But religious freedom does not transform a cleric into a constitutional authority.
That distinction must become central to Christian political education.
The church should teach Christians:
Respect your pastor. Respect your bishop. Respect your denomination. But your vote remains your constitutional decision.
That is not rebellion.
That is citizenship.
1. SIXTH SHIFT: BUILD POLITICAL POWER INSIDE THE PARTIES
This is where the conversation becomes uncomfortable.
Christians cannot complain about political decisions while remaining absent from the institutions where political decisions are made.
If Christians want influence, they must be present.
At:
* ward level;
* local-government level;
* state party structures;
* national party structures;
* policy committees;
* campaign organisations;
* legislative committees;
* government advisory structures;
* professional associations;
* civil-society organisations;
* and electoral monitoring structures.
Politics is not won on Sunday morning.
Politics is built between elections.
That means Christian professionals must enter politics.
Lawyers.
Economists.
Engineers.
Academics.
Entrepreneurs.
Technology professionals.
Media professionals.
Young people.
Women.
Security experts.
Farmers.
Public-policy specialists.
The church cannot remain merely a voting audience.
It must develop citizens capable of governing.
1. SEVENTH SHIFT: BUILD CANDIDATES, NOT JUST VOTERS
This is perhaps the biggest strategic weakness.
Christians often discuss:
“How many Christian votes do we have?”
The better question is:
“How many credible Christian Nigerians are prepared to compete for political office?”
The objective should be to develop candidates for:
* councillorship;
* state assemblies;
* House of Representatives;
* Senate;
* governorship;
* and eventually the presidency.
But competence must come first.
A candidate should not be promoted merely because he or she is Christian.
The candidate must be:
competent + credible + electable + inclusive + competent in governance.
Religion can never substitute for competence.
If Christians produce mediocre candidates simply because they are Christian, they will lose credibility.
1. EIGHTH SHIFT: CREATE A CHRISTIAN POLICY PLATFORM—NOT A CHRISTIAN GRIEVANCE PLATFORM
This is revolutionary.
Instead of producing documents that primarily complain about persecution, marginalisation and exclusion, Christians should publish a national policy agenda.
For example:
THE CHRISTIAN CIVIC AGENDA FOR NIGERIA
Security
How should Nigeria defeat terrorism, banditry and communal violence?
Education
What should happen to schools, universities and technical education?
Economy
How should Nigeria create jobs?
Agriculture
How should farmers be protected and agricultural productivity increased?
Energy
How should electricity become reliable?
Justice
How should citizens obtain equal protection?
Constitutional reform
What institutional changes are necessary?
Healthcare
How should Nigeria improve primary healthcare?
Youth
What should be done about unemployment and skills?
Religious freedom
How should Nigeria protect every citizen’s right to worship?
That changes the narrative completely.
Christians stop saying:
“What will government do for us?”
And begin saying:
“Here is the Nigeria we want to build.”
That is leadership.
1. NINTH SHIFT: MASTER THE MEDIA
Christians cannot complain about political messaging while allowing others to define the narrative.
The media strategy must become professional.
Every major Christian civic organisation should have:
* media officers;
* researchers;
* fact-checkers;
* graphic designers;
* video editors;
* social-media strategists;
* legal advisers;
* spokespersons;
* rapid-response teams.
But the objective should not be propaganda.
It should be credible information.
When a false claim appears, respond quickly.
When a misleading statistic appears, publish the actual data.
When inflammatory rhetoric appears, provide context.
When Christians make false claims, correct them too.
Credibility is the ultimate political asset.
1. TENTH SHIFT: CREATE A “DO NOT AMPLIFY” PROTOCOL
This may sound simple.
It is not.
Before responding to a controversial statement, Christian organisations should ask five questions:
1. Is the statement authentic?
2. Is it recent?
3. Is it being deliberately circulated out of context?
4. Does responding increase its reach?
5. What outcome do we actually want?
If the answer to the fourth question is “yes” and the fifth question is unclear, sometimes the smartest response is silence.
Not weakness.
Strategy.
1. ELEVENTH SHIFT: BUILD CROSS-RELIGIOUS ALLIANCES
This is absolutely essential.
Christians should actively cultivate relationships with Muslims who believe in:
* constitutional democracy;
* freedom of religion;
* equal citizenship;
* peaceful political competition;
* rejection of violence;
* accountable government;
* and rule of law.
Those Muslims are not enemies.
They are potential partners.
Likewise, responsible Muslims should be able to work with Christians who reject religious supremacy.
This is already the direction some Nigerian faith leaders are publicly encouraging: more than 50 Muslim and Christian leaders signed a peace accord in Abuja in August 2026 aimed at promoting religious harmony and curbing hate speech and extremism. (Reuters)
That should not be dismissed.
Christians should engage it.
The strongest response to religious polarisation is not religious isolation.
It is cross-religious constitutional solidarity.
1. TWELFTH SHIFT: CHRISTIANS MUST BUILD RELATIONSHIPS IN THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY
This is where many political strategies fail.
You cannot understand Muslims by watching Muslim politicians on television.
You need relationships with ordinary Muslims.
Muslim professionals.
Muslim youth.
Muslim women.
Muslim businesspeople.
Muslim academics.
Muslim traditional leaders.
Muslim civil-society activists.
Muslim journalists.
Muslim security professionals.
And moderate Islamic scholars.
Christians should not engage Muslims only when there is a crisis.
Build relationships before the crisis.
Then when provocation comes, there are already people capable of saying:
“This does not represent all of us.”
That is infinitely more powerful than ten angry press releases.
1. THIRTEENTH SHIFT: DEVELOP A LEGAL RESPONSE SYSTEM
Every major religious or civic organisation should have access to constitutional lawyers.
Not because Christians should sue everybody.
Because rights must be defended intelligently.
The system should be capable of:
* preserving evidence;
* issuing legal opinions;
* identifying applicable laws;
* filing appropriate complaints;
* challenging discriminatory administrative actions;
* defending victims;
* and distinguishing offensive speech from legally actionable conduct.
That last point is extremely important.
Not every offensive statement is a crime.
Not every disagreement is persecution.
Not every political insult is incitement.
Christians strengthen their credibility when they make these distinctions carefully.
1. FOURTEENTH SHIFT: CREATE AN ELECTION-DAY ARCHITECTURE
This is where political power becomes measurable.
INEC’s electoral process is built around polling units, wards, LGAs and state/national collation structures. (INEC Nigeria)
Therefore, Christian civic organisations should develop trained volunteers who understand:
* voter registration;
* voter verification;
* polling-unit procedures;
* accreditation;
* result forms;
* lawful election observation;
* evidence preservation;
* complaint procedures;
* and peaceful dispute resolution.
Do not wait until election week.
Training should begin months earlier.
The goal should not be to manipulate elections.
The goal should be:
Every lawful vote protected.
That is democratic power.
1. FIFTEENTH SHIFT: STOP TALKING ONLY ABOUT PRESIDENTIAL POLITICS
This is another strategic error.
The presidency is important.
But Nigeria has thousands of political offices.
Christian influence should be developed at:
Ward → LGA → State Assembly → House of Representatives → Senate → Governor → Federal Government.
Political power is cumulative.
A community that has no councillor, no local-government influence, no assembly member, no legislator and no governor cannot expect a presidential election to solve every political problem.
Build from the bottom.
1. SIXTEENTH SHIFT: TURN CHURCHES INTO CIVIC EDUCATION CENTRES WITHOUT TURNING THEM INTO PARTY OFFICES
This distinction is critical.
The church should not become an APC, PDP, ADC or any other party office.
But churches can teach citizens about:
* the Constitution;
* voting;
* public accountability;
* budgeting;
* civic rights;
* peaceful political participation;
* how government works;
* how to evaluate candidates;
* and how to demand performance.
That is legitimate civic education.
The message should be:
“Do not vote because your pastor told you to. Do not vote because a Sheikh told you to. Study the candidates and make an informed decision.”
That is how mature democracies work.
1. SEVENTEENTH SHIFT: STOP MAKING EVERY ELECTION A REFERENDUM ON RELIGION
This may be the most important strategic advice.
If Christians make every election about Christianity versus Islam, they have accepted the battlefield chosen by religious politicians.
Instead, Christians should ask:
Who can secure Nigeria?
Who can improve the economy?
Who can create jobs?
Who can reduce poverty?
Who can strengthen institutions?
Who can protect religious freedom?
Who can govern competently?
This approach allows Christians to vote for Christians, Muslims or candidates of any faith based on performance and principles.
That is strategically stronger because it expands the coalition.
1. THE CHRISTIAN POLITICAL OBJECTIVE SHOULD BE “MAXIMUM COALITION”
This is where Christians can fundamentally change the game.
Do not build:
Christian voters versus Muslim voters.
Build:
Citizens committed to constitutional democracy versus political actors committed to identity mobilisation.
That coalition can include:
* Christians;
* Muslims;
* traditional believers;
* secular citizens;
* young people;
* women;
* professionals;
* farmers;
* entrepreneurs;
* northern communities;
* southern communities;
* minority groups.
Suddenly, the Christian cause is no longer a sectional cause.
It becomes a national democratic cause.
That is much harder to defeat.
1. EIGHTEENTH SHIFT: DEVELOP A SCORECARD FOR EVERY GOVERNMENT
This should begin immediately.
Instead of asking:
“Does this government like Christians?”
Ask:
GOVERNANCE SCORECARD
Security — 20%
Economy — 20%
Employment — 10%
Education — 10%
Healthcare — 10%
Infrastructure — 10%
Rule of law — 10%
Religious freedom/equal citizenship — 10%
Every administration should be assessed objectively.
If a government performs well, acknowledge it.
If it performs badly, criticise it.
If it protects Christians, acknowledge it.
If it protects Muslims, acknowledge it.
If it fails either community, criticise it.
That is credibility.
1. NINETEENTH SHIFT: CHRISTIANS MUST LEARN TO NEGOTIATE
This is a missing political skill.
Politics is not merely confrontation.
Politics is negotiation.
Christian organisations should be able to sit with:
* the Presidency;
* governors;
* legislators;
* political parties;
* Muslim organisations;
* traditional rulers;
* civil society;
* international partners.
And say:
“Here are our concerns.”
“Here is our evidence.”
“Here is our proposal.”
“Here is the legislation we want.”
“Here is the institutional reform we seek.”
“Here is what we are prepared to support.”
That is political sophistication.
1. TWENTIETH SHIFT: STOP ASKING GOVERNMENT TO “DO SOMETHING” WITHOUT DEFINING WHAT THAT MEANS
This is another weakness in many advocacy campaigns.
A statement says:
“Government must act.”
Act how?
Arrest?
Investigate?
Prosecute?
Condemn?
Mediate?
Legislate?
Protect?
Educate?
The demand must be precise.
If Jingir’s reported remarks are alleged to cross a legal threshold, identify the relevant law and request lawful investigation.
If they do not, challenge the rhetoric politically.
If there is evidence of discrimination, identify the institution responsible.
If there is a security threat, identify the affected community and request specific protection.
Specific demands produce specific accountability.
1. THE “CHRISTIAN DEFENCE INDUSTRY” MUST END
There is an uncomfortable ecosystem that benefits from permanent outrage.
A controversial statement appears.
A Christian leader condemns it.
Another leader condemns the condemnation.
A politician enters.
A social-media influencer enters.
A television programme follows.
Donations may increase.
Followers increase.
Political relevance increases.
But ordinary Christians remain where they were.
Still insecure.
Still politically fragmented.
Still economically vulnerable.
Still underrepresented in strategic institutions.
This is why Christians should ask:
After the outrage disappears, what has actually changed?
If the answer is “nothing,” the strategy failed.
1. THE NEW CHRISTIAN STRATEGY: FROM DEFENCE TO DETERRENCE
This is the central concept I would recommend.
Defence
Respond after the attack.
Deterrence
Build enough institutional strength that political actors know inflammatory mobilisation will not produce easy political gains.
Deterrence does not mean retaliation.
It means capacity.
If politicians know that citizens are:
* informed;
* organised;
* legally sophisticated;
* electorally active;
* economically influential;
* media capable;
* and politically diverse;
then they become less likely to assume that Christians can simply be provoked and manipulated.
That is how the game changes.
1. THE FIVE POWERS CHRISTIANS MUST BUILD
I would reduce the entire strategy to five words:
NUMBERS.
Build voters.
KNOWLEDGE.
Build research capacity.
ORGANISATION.
Build institutions.
RESOURCES.
Build economic and professional capacity.
RELATIONSHIPS.
Build cross-community alliances.
These five together create political leverage.
1. THE 12-MONTH ACTION PLAN
If Christian leaders genuinely want to change the game, they should stop issuing only statements and launch a practical programme.
FIRST 90 DAYS
1. Create a national Christian civic research team.
2. Establish a legal-response desk.
3. Establish a fact-checking and data unit.
4. Map political constituencies—not merely religious populations.
5. Develop a Christian civic policy agenda.
6. Build relationships with responsible Muslim leaders.
MONTHS 4–6
1. Train civic educators.
2. Begin voter education.
3. Train election observers.
4. Develop a national political scorecard.
5. Identify credible political candidates across parties.
6. Build youth and women’s political leadership programmes.
MONTHS 7–12
1. Establish ward-level civic networks.
2. Publish constituency-level political research.
3. Organise public policy debates.
4. Demand candidate-specific commitments.
5. Monitor government performance.
6. Publish quarterly accountability reports.
That is a strategy.
Not merely a reaction.
1. WHAT CHRISTIANS SHOULD NEVER DO
If Christians want to change the game, there are certain things they must refuse to do.
Never demonise Muslims collectively.
Never answer religious provocation with religious provocation.
Never circulate unverified statistics.
Never fabricate persecution stories.
Never manipulate photographs or videos.
Never encourage violence.
Never threaten communities.
Never assume every Muslim supports Jingir.
Never assume every Christian supports a Christian candidate.
Never turn churches into partisan institutions.
Never confuse political disagreement with religious war.
These are not signs of weakness.
They are signs of strategic maturity.
1. THE MOST POWERFUL CHRISTIAN MESSAGE TO NIGERIA
I would encourage Christian leaders to adopt a message along these lines:
We are not asking Nigeria to choose Christianity over Islam.
We are asking Nigeria to choose constitutional citizenship over religious supremacy.
We are not asking for privilege.
We are demanding equality.
We are not asking government to silence Muslims.
We are asking government to protect every citizen equally.
We are not asking Nigerians to vote for Christians because they are Christians.
We are asking Nigerians to vote intelligently, peacefully and freely.
We will not hate Muslims because of the words of one cleric.
We will not surrender our political rights because someone provokes us.
We will organise.
We will educate.
We will participate.
We will negotiate.
We will vote.
And we will hold every government accountable.
That is a much stronger message than perpetual outrage.
1. THE PRESIDENT SHOULD UNDERSTAND THIS TOO
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu does not need to choose between Muslims and Christians.
He needs to demonstrate that the Nigerian state belongs equally to both.
The Constitution prohibits governmental discrimination based on religion and political opinion. (PLACNG)
Therefore, the Presidency’s strongest position is constitutional neutrality.
It should be able to tell a Muslim cleric:
“You are free to express your political opinion.”
And tell a Christian leader:
“You are equally free to express yours.”
But it should also tell both:
“Neither of you speaks for the Nigerian state.”
That is institutional strength.
1. THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO MAKE JINGIR THE CENTRE OF CHRISTIAN POLITICS
This needs to be said bluntly.
If Christians spend the next year talking primarily about Jingir, Jingir has already won.
He becomes the agenda setter.
The better response is:
Talk about insecurity.
Talk about jobs.
Talk about education.
Talk about poverty.
Talk about constitutional reform.
Talk about religious freedom.
Talk about justice.
Talk about political representation.
Talk about economic opportunity.
Talk about governance.
And when provocative statements arise:
Respond proportionately, factually and legally—and return immediately to the larger agenda.
Never allow one microphone to control an entire community’s political calendar.
1. THE FINAL STRATEGIC TRANSFORMATION
The Christian political mindset must move through five stages.
STAGE ONE — REACTION
“They insulted us.”
STAGE TWO — DEFENCE
“We must answer them.”
STAGE THREE — ORGANISATION
“We need structures.”
STAGE FOUR — NEGOTIATION
“We need political leverage.”
STAGE FIVE — LEADERSHIP
“We define the national agenda.”
Nigeria needs Christians to reach Stage Five.
But this does not mean Christians should dominate Muslims.
It means Christians should become sufficiently organised that they can participate confidently in national politics without constantly waiting for someone else’s provocation to tell them what to discuss.
CONCLUSION: STOP CHASING THE SMOKE
Sheikh Jingir’s reported remarks may be provocative.
His reported refusal to express regret may be politically significant.
But Christians must refuse to make him the centre of their political universe.
That would be surrender.
The real question is not:
“What did Jingir say today?”
The real question is:
“What are Christians building today?”
Are they building institutions?
Are they building political candidates?
Are they building research centres?
Are they building legal capacity?
Are they building media capacity?
Are they building economic power?
Are they building voter education?
Are they building relationships with Muslims who believe in equal citizenship?
Are they building young political leaders?
Are they understanding northern Nigeria beyond stereotypes?
Are they developing policy?
Are they protecting votes?
Are they measuring government performance?
Are they negotiating intelligently?
Those are the questions that determine whether a community is politically powerful.
Not the number of angry statements it can produce.
THE IBRAHIM BUNU DOCTRINE: FROM DEFENCE TO STRATEGIC POWER
If I were to reduce the entire argument to one doctrine, it would be this:
Christians must stop building their political identity around the people who provoke them and start building their political power around the Nigeria they want to create.
Do not chase the smoke.
Build the fire brigade.
Do not merely complain about political exclusion.
Build political capacity.
Do not merely demand representation.
Produce competent representatives.
Do not merely condemn inflammatory rhetoric.
Build institutions capable of responding intelligently.
Do not merely count Christians.
Count voters, constituencies, institutions, resources and relationships.
Do not merely fight Muslims.
Build alliances with Nigerians who believe in constitutional democracy.
Do not make every election a religious referendum.
Make every election an accountability referendum.
And above all:
Do not surrender the Nigerian political space to those who understand mobilisation better than you do.
The answer to political provocation is not political paralysis.
The answer is organisation.
The answer is competence.
The answer is evidence.
The answer is institutional power.
The answer is strategic relationships.
The answer is lawful political participation.
The answer is the ballot.
And when the next provocation comes—and it will—the Christian response should no longer be:
“What are they saying about us?”
It should be:
“What are we building?”
That is the moment Christians stop being permanently defensive.
That is the moment they stop chasing smoke.
That is the moment they begin shaping the political weather.
— Ibrahim BUNU
ibrahimbunu2520@gmail.com
